F 685 
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Copy 1 



SPEECH 



HON. SAMUEL 0. PEYTON, 



OF KENTUCKY, 



ON 



THE KANSAS QUESTION; 



DELIVERED 



IN THE HOr.SE OP REPRESENTATIVES, MARCH 25, J 853. 



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■■/>, 



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WASHINGTON: 
MINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE. 

!858. 



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SPEECH 



Thfc Houpe heing in the Cf>mmilli'fi of the Whole on tlis 
■ialc of the Union — 

Mr. PEYTON said: 

Mr. CHAmMAN: In coming before the corr»mit- 
lee to-day to present my views upon a quf^stion 
whicii has boen discussed for many daj's, I labor 
under considerable embarrassment; but, in what 
I have to say in regard#to this question, I shall 
give you my views frankly and candidly, and the 
reasons why I am in favor of the admission of 
Kansas under the Lecompton constitution. 

In order to make up a fair and just opinion on 
this question, it is absoiiiteiy necessary to trace 
u|) its history and origin; and to take not only the 
recorded evid(.nce, but the under curient, got from 
newspaper reports and eonver-sations had with va- 
rious persons, and bring all in as auxiliary testi- 
mony. I admit that this question is conyjlicated; 
that it admits of doubt; and I think that tjieonly 
way to arrive at a just conclusion in this matter, 
is to lay aside all party prejudices, and examine 
It with scrutiny, carefully and honestly. I have 
no doubt tliat thus we can come, to a just conclu- 
sion in regard to it. 

Now, sir, ten years apo I was a member of this 
House. After the passage of the. Missouri com- 
promise in 1820, peace and tratiquillity were re- 
stored to the country. But, growing out of the 
.Mexican war, we had acquired a largo extent of 
territory. A question then sprang up as lo what 
<lisposition should be made of that acquisition. 
The northern men said that no slavery existed in 
that territory, and that they never would give a 
rote to extend slavery into territory then free.- 
The southern men said: "We contributed our 
share of men and moncy'in the acquisition of tliis 
territory. , Tiie bones of our sons, v.-ho died to 
acquire it, now bleach upon the plains of Mex- 
ico; and we ask to have a ftir participation in its 
benefits." The North refused; and the gentleman 
now in the chair, and others around me, well rec- 
ollect the struggle that followed at the close of 
Polk's administration. 

That was the .spirit that pervaded the North. 



The southern mei: fv.und out that, although north- 
ern men were willing to stand shoulder to shoul- 
der with them and fight the battles of the country, 
yet, if territory were acquired by their joint blood 
and treasure, the South would be exeludcd froiw 
that territory. Then it was that alarm s]->rea<! 
through the country. The sa<';<- of Ashland and 
the statesmen of that day came forth from their 
homes and settled that great question. And how 
[Was it settled' The Democrats of the North, 
'', while many of them entertained the opinion that 
i! Congress had power to pxcludo slavery from thft 
■'; Territories, agreed that it was unjust to the South 
ji to do so; unci they were willing that both souili- 
!:ern and northern men should go into the Terri- 
Jl lories, find settle there us friends and neighbors; 
I 'and, when tlicy camo to form a State goverii- 
jiment, they .should take the vote, and slavery 
; I should be recognized or excluded, according to 
^ the will of the majority. Tliat was fair and just. 
1 1 But no sooner had that biTi ivassed, than there was 
:' a storm created in the North in opposition to it. 
il Again, Mr. ChturmL'.rt, in 1854, Congress met; 
! and, inasmuch as a portion of that territory v.'hich 
was governed bv the Missouri compromise liad 
been taken to make up the territory governed by 
t, the compromise of I80O, C!ongress repealed the 
'I Missouri restriction, and applied, in 1854, the 
jj same principle that liad been applied in 185(1. 
, What tjien O'^curred, Mr. Chairman.' Did par- 
p tics all submit to the will of \.h(\ majority, and 
j agree faithfully and honestly to abide by the law 
I of Congress.' NotsOjSir. An organization sprang 
'; up into existence at the moment. That organiza- 
|| tion contributed men and money; the avowed ob- 
I ject being to send men into Kan.sas, to maintain 
them there, and to get them lo vote slavery out 
jj of the Territory, 

Ij Now, t.ir, in all sorts of di/llcuiiies it is a mal- 
jj ter of the first importance to find out who was the 
IJ aggressor — who was wrong in the beginning. I 
do not care liow pure and patriotic were the mo- 
tives of the association; for they sent into the 
Territory men wiio, if they were not bad men 
when they started, became bad after they got 



4 



there. They were clothed, and fed, and main- 
tained by the society, under the pledge that they 
would vote to make the Territory free. 

Now, what was the natural consequence? What 
would any other State, situated as Missouri is, 
have done? The report spread all throusch the 
State of Missouri that Massachusetts was send- 
ing men into the Territory by hundreds, to make 
thatTerritoryfree. Thepeopleof Missouri ihere- 
vipon determined logo there, and stand around the 
jiolls, and see that their friends had an oppoi'tu- 
uity to vote. Tlie idea had gone out in Missouri 
that the free-Slate men in the Territory would 
lake possession of the polls, and prevent pro-sla- 
Tery men from voting:. Well, tlie Missourians 
went into the Territory, and stood around the 
polls, and some of tlieni, I have no doubt, voted. 
The gredt Inilk of them, however, merely stood 
around the polls, v/ith their rilles in their hands; 
kept off the marauders, and allowed their friends 
to vote. 

Now, I say there was a majority of pro-slavery 
men in the Territory of Kan.sas, at the first elec- 
tion; and, as evidence of tliat fact, I refer to the 
census. A registry was taken, and there was 
a clear and decidL'd majority of three, or four, 
or five hundred votes of pro-slavery men in that 
Territory. Another proof of that fact is, that the 
Governor of the Territory — the only official au- 
thority that we have to speak iVom in relation to 
that matter — said that, allhou<jh there was fraud- 
ulent votina:, yet that a majority of the deli'2:ates 
to the Legislature were elected without fraud; 
and, therefore, he unhcsitatin^'K'- gave the ceriif- 
icates to a majority. 

Whr.t next followed? That Legislature was 
recognized; a Delegate was elected and took his 
seat here; and, from that day to this, Congress, 
the President of the United States, and the peo- 
ple of the TtM-ritory of Kansas, except those who 
refused to submit to the laws, recognized that 
Territorial Legislature as legal and binding. 

What next. occurred ? That Territorial Legis- 
lature passed a law, authorizing tiie-pcopIe to vote 
for, or against, a convention lo frame a State con- 
stitution; and all the people concurred in the opin- 
ion that they ought to have such convention. A 
free-State paper there, the Kansas Herald, said 
that th(^ peo|)le all voted on that occasion , and that 
there was no opposition to the callir.g of the con- 
vention. Delegates were nominated and elected, 
and the convention was lo meet on the 21st of 
September to form a State consiitution. 

The free-Stnle party, if tin y had th.e majority 
their friends claim, should have gone lo the polls 
and elected deli'gates to form just such a consti- 
tution as they desired. If tin y did not vote it 
was their own fault. The pro-slavery party, as 
ihey had a perfect right to deselected all their 
candidates; and, in obedience to the wishes of 
their friends, they framed a consiitution and sub- 
mitted it to the people. They were elected in June. 
Governor Walker, who had then been sent into 
the Territory, called on tlie free-State men to cogie 
forward and vote. He wentthrough theTerriiory 
aiidmade speeches; he begged and implored them 
to take part in the election; he told tln'm that the 
fieace and prosperity of the Territory, in a great 
measure, dcpi.iided upon them; he told them that 
if they would come forward and vole, and if they 
had the majority, and would go on and form a 



State government, he had no doubt Congress 
would be liberal to them, and would give theni 
liberal grants of the public lands; and that they 
would do a deed that would entitle them to the 
gratitude of the American people. But, mark you, 
he told them that if they stood off, and refused to 
vote, the persons who did come forward and vote 
would elect their candidates; and those who did 
not vote v/ould delegate the power to those who 
did to vote for them, and they would be bound 
by the action of the delegates elected. 

Now, it is alli'ged that there was a fault in the 
registry; that some nineteen counties were dis- 
franchised; and that the persons living in those 
counties were not permitted to take part in the 
election. Mr. Chairman, wliat is the fact in re- 
gard to this charge? The officers executed their 
duty faithfully. They registered every man they 
could get to register. But in three or four of the 
counties the people would not give their names. 
They threatened violence to the officers, and drove 
them from the counties. Others gave fictitious 
names. Then, sir, it was their own fault that they 
were not registered. 

Hut, sir, everywhere in the counties where the 
re£:istry was completed there was a large majority 
in favor of the constitution. There were nine 
thousand two hundred atid odd voters registered in 
the Territory, and some two or three thousand 
vot.^d at that election. Taking the doctrine that 
is ailtnitted here on all sides, that those v/ho did 
not vole authorized lliose who did to vote for them, 
and the fact that a majority of those who did vote 
voted for the constitution, it makes no difference 
what was the number, iJie election was binding 
on all. It is lo be taken for graiited that those who 
did not vote were cither indifferent or were per- 
fectly satisfied to let those wlio did take the trouble 
to vote, vote for all. 

But, Mr. Chairman, there can be no dispute as 
to the fairness of the election in the counties where 
the registry was completed. Now take the vote 
that was polled on the 4lh of January last, in 
which our friends on the other side of tl:e House 
say ten ^loiisand tv/o hundr(;d votes were cast — 
my own judgment is that they did not cast any 
such vote; but taking it for granted that they did 
cast that number of votes, and still nine thousand 
and odd of that number were cast in the counties 
that were registered. But unless you can show 
that a mnjority of the ])eople were left out of the 
registry, unless you can prove that in those coun- 
ties where there was no registry taken there vyere 
voters enough to have changed the result, then the 
election was valid and binding. 

No inleliigenl man will believe that the sixty- 
seven hundred voters who voted for the constitu- 
tion on the 21st of December, voted against it on 
the 4th of January after. More than half the votes 
polled against the constitution on the 4lh of Jan- 
uary were fraudulent, clearly and palpably fraud- 
ulent. On the same day they elected all their State 
officers, but could poll bnly about four or five 
thousand votes; for the reason that the Lccomp- 
ton ]iarty had also candidates in the field, and 
guarded the ballot-box so far as the election of 
State officers was concerned. They looked upon 
tlie vote against the constitution, taken on the 4th 
of January by diiferent officers, as entirely illtgal- 
and void; and therefore did not care v/hethcr they 
polled ten thousand or twenty thousaud. 



o 



But our northern friends tell us, '• Do you want 
to cram a constitution down the throats of the 
people against tiieir will?" I answer that I have 
no such wish. But, sir, when a community settle 
in aTerritory they must have some law by which 
they are to be governed; they must have some 
rules and regulations to go by. If a portion of 
them desire peace and harmony and good govern- 
ment, and another portion desire disturbance, and 
will submit to no law, I s;iy that all law-abiding 
men in this House and in the country should 
strengthen and encourage the men there who de- 
sire and are seeking to establish law and order. 
Now, sir, what would be the condition of a com- 
munity where a large portion of the people were 
standing out, marauding and depredating contin- 
ually upon the community, and who were against 
all law ? Is it not the duty of every mj-n who de- 
sires the peace and harmony of the country to en- 
courage and sustain the men there who are striv- 
ing to maintain peace and good order? And will 
we not, by njecting this constitution, give encour- 
agement to those men who have stood outin open 
rebellion against the Government for the last three 
years ? 

Well, sir, the delegates to this convention were 
elected. They went on and made a constitution, 
and submitted the great paramount issue, slavery, 
to the people for their ratification or rejection. Is 
it to be thrown back upon these marauding and 
law-defying jjeople? iVIr. Chairman, if these men 
had been correct, straightforward, honest men, 
when Governor Walker told them to come forward 
and vote — that they should be protected in their 
rights at the ballot-box;»tliat he had troops there 
to protect the polls; that if they had the majority 
they could make just such a constitution as they 
chose; that if they did not vote, the pro-slavery 
party would elect their delegates, and they would 
be bound by the result — I say, if they had been 
honest, correct men, why did they not come for- 
ward and vote ? Why, sir, they never wanted a 
constitution. The object of that parly, from the 
very moment they landed in Kansas, was to keep 
up a political excitement, instead of making a con- 
stitution, or abiding by wholesome laws. They 
came there to rob, and some of them to murder. 
I do not charge the jiarty which sent them there 
with any improper motive. I make the charge 
against the men who were sent there. The party 
were not' particular who were sent, to be sure. 
The emigrant aid societies raised the funds, and 
all who were willing to go were sent. Hence, 
the worst men, perhaps, men out of employment 
and of desperate characters, were forwarded to 
Kansas — the very men, sir, disposed to keep up 
a continual disturbance of the public p(!ace. Yet 
grave legislatiu'S tell us these men are good, law- 
al^ling citizens ! They were refused the right of 
.suffrage; and therefore the constitution should be 
again referred back to them, that they may vote 
upon it. 

Now, sir, what authority have we for thinking 
that if the constitution be referred back, tiiey will 
make a better one ? They have been at it for three 
years already. We have Governor Recder's 
statement that they promised him to cease ma- 
raudini; and disturbing the' peace, and abide by 
the ballot-box; and we have, too, the proof that 
they were faithless to that promise. Notwith- 
standing all this, that the Legislature which au- 



thorized the convention was legally elected, the 
delegates to the convention legally elected by a 
large majority of those who saw proper to vote 
on that occasion, we are now implored by these 
men to reject the Kansas constitution, because, 
they say, there is a majority of the people op- 
posed to it. I deny that any geuitleman can show 
that there ever was a majority of votes cast against 
the Lecompton constitution, counting out all 
fraudulent voles claimed, fn>m the first election of 
delegates to franii; it, until it was finally ratified 
by the people. Altliough the free-State party 
elected a majority of members to the Legislature 
in October, according to Calhoun's proclamation, 
and gave ten thousand two hundred votes against 
the constitution on the 4th of January, the ma- 
jority report of the Committee on Territories, 
when compared with the report of tin; minority, 
show clearly that there was fraudulent voting. 

Take these repoi'ts and examine them. You, 
will find, of the whole vote polled against the Le- 
compton constitution in. January, ninety-six hun- 
dred were polled in the registered counties, where 
the census showed that there were but ninety-two 
hundred and fifty voters, and where sixty-seven 
■hundred had been given in favor of the constitu- 
tion on the Slst of December previous; and in 
these same counties the free-State party only gave 
for State officers, at the same election, some four 
or five thousand. There is strong evidence going 
to show that they carried over from the county of 
Lawrence, where they had a large surplus, to 
Leavenworth, and voted them in that county, and 
thus carried the State elections. 

Mr. Chairman, let us examine this constitution. 
"Oh I "say our friends around us," it should have 
been submitted." They say that when tlie people 
were called upon to vote, they were called to vote 
for the constitution with slavery, or for the con- 
stitution without slavery; and that the only ques- 
tion submitted was, whether the people should 
raise slaves without im|)ortation of new ones_, or 
Vhelher they should raise them and import them 
too. That i»an unfair statement of the question. 
I think the convention acted more prudently than 
they would have done if they had t'olh>wed the ad- 
vice of Governor Walker. What did he tell them ? 
He said: " Gentlemen, go on anci form yourconsti- 
tution; make it fi-ce; jirotect what slavesare in the 
Territory, and I have no doubt in the world but 
that it will be adopted by a large majority of the 
people of Kansas." What did they do? They 
followed Governor Walker's advice, except in one 
particular. They could not take upon themselves 
the responsibility of making it a free State; but 
they would do precisely as Governor Walker rec- 
ommended. They would make stringent provis- 
ions to protect what slaves were in the Territory, 
riiey would allow the men who owned slaves to 
be protected in their rights. What then ? Then, 
said they, instead of making it free, they would 
submit the slavery clause to the people. If the 
people struck out that slavery clause, then what? 
Then, that it should be a free State; with the ex- 
ception that the slaves in the Territory should 
belong to their masters until compensation was 
paid for them by the Legislature. I ask if there 
IS any solitary free-State man, who has any idea 
of doing justice to the South, who would be in 
favor of taking the two or three hundred negroes 
there without compensation ? What would be the 



6 



ponscquonce? It would raise a storm much more 
dangerous and perilous than the admission or re- 
jection of tin; Leconipton constitution would raise; 
Cor the southern men who went there with their 
slaves, under the Constitution of the United States, 
never expected to surrender them without com- 
pensation. It would be unjust to take them un- 
less compensation were made. It would be as 
much an act of injustice as if the slaves of Ken- 
tucky were set free by this Government without 
compcn.?ation. 

What did this Lecompton constitution say? 
Look at it as you please, and slavery is the 
only question of controversy which is involved. 
Strike .slavery out of the Lecompton consti- 
tution, and there would be no objection on the 
part of those who now oppose it. If there had 
been no slavery question, there would have 
been no trouble about Kansas. If those men of 
the North had wanted to do what was strictly 
right, and to make Kansas a free State, they 
would, in my judgment, have come forward and 
voted the slavery clause out. The Legislature 
had authority, by jiaying their owners a fair price 
for them, to emancipate the slaves that would be 
then left in the Territory. As just men, as men 
who desired peace, as men v/ho desired to live in 
harmony with their neighbors and brethren, ought 
they not to have come forward at first, and voted 
against the slave clause? Then pass a gradual 
emancipation law, as has been done in other 
States, or a law to pay the ov/ners a fair price for 
iheir slaves, which they had a right to do under 
the constitution, and thus make it a free State. 

But what are you now called upon to do ? You 
are called upon to turn round and say that those 
men who have refused from the start to submit 
to law, wiiohave organized their forces, and have 
their captains, their lieutenants, and otlierofficers, 
that those men who have threatened and forced 
the free-State Democrats to join them by abusing 
them and tlieir wives, and threatening to drive 
them out of the' Territory unless they joined them 
— I say you arc called upon to say tltht that party 
i.s right, and that the constituticm .should have 
been submitted to them, and that they should have 
iiad the opportunity to say vvhetlier they were in 
favor of that constitution or not. That is not, 
Mr. Chairman, the way, in my judgment,, in 
which a good government can be carried on. The 
object of law always is to protect the weak from 
the encroachments of the strong and the vicious. 
Here is a party — and there is no denying it — with 
a military leader. He has his men, and they have 
decidedly the advantage of the Federal troops. 
The Federal troojis have only the right to fight 
when necessary; but they have no right to vote. 
But General Lane and his men have both the right 
to fight and to vote. But they prefer to do neither. 
They kept up a great parade, kept themselves 
marshaled, and sallied out at one time to disturb 
one neighborhood; but as soon as they knew that 
the Federal troops were ordered out to punish 
ihem, they would l>c suddenly found in another 
place. Their whole object and aim from the be- 
ginnin^was to keep up a continual disturbance 
in the Tt.'rritory — not to vote, nor to oi'ganize a 
jieaceable government there, but to keep that 
country in continual turmoil. 

Now, the newspapers in "Kansas and in the 
northern Slates were filled with statements that 



the people of Kansas were down-trodden; that 
they were suffering wonderful afflictions from the 
border-rufllans; that they had been driven from 
the polls; and that they were denied the right of 
suffrage. What was the effect? The effect was 
to arouse a feeling of revenge in the bosoms of 
northern men. At the North they heard but one 
side, and that was that the people wlio had gone 
to Kansas from the North were down-trodden and 
abused; and hence it was that they were for see- 
ing tlumi placed right. 

Mr. Chairman, there is a radical difference be- 
tween the Democrats who stand upon the Kansas- 
Nebraska bill and the Republicans. The Repub- 
licans come out very boldly and honestly — and 1 
.look upon the great mass of them as being as hon- 
est as anybody — and tell us that if Kansas were 
to come iierc by a very large majority of the 6ona 
fide voters of that Territory, wuh a constitution 
tolerating .slavery, they would notadniit her; that 
they look upon slavery as a moral and political 
evil, and^ that they do not intend to vote for the 
admission of anotiier slave State. Well, I do not 
know what that course will lead to, but ii is frank 
and open, and I admire it. But what do our Dem- 
ocrats say? In 1856 we m"t at Cinciiniati, and 
united upon a set of principles — a platform — one 
main feature of which was, that Kansiis should 
have the right to regulate her own social and do- 
mestic institutions, slavery included, in her own 
way. The presidential canvass was opened; and 
ihe Democrats of the North came forward, and 
upon every stump they repudiated the idea that 
the Legisl-ature of Kansas was not a legal Legis- 
lature. They spurned with contempt the reports 
then circulated, that Kansas was down-trodden 
and oppressed by the slave power. They said 
that thia matter was all a political trick; tliat it 
was all intended to open anew the wounds of 
bleeding Kansas in order to elect Fremont; that 
it was to e.'ccite the passions of the free-State peo- 
ple and to induce them to believe that the people 
of the South had been doing injustice, and ail this 
was done to enalde the North to elect their Re- 
publican candidate. 

But what tin some of the northern Democrats 
say now? They turn round and say that they 
were mistaken; that those men in Kansas were 
meek, and gentle, and pure men — ^just as pure aa 
they make men in Massachusetts; that they had 
been raised and educated in that city of morals 
and religion, Boston; that when they left, Massa- 
chusetts they were as pure as they could be. But 
I it seems to me there was an innate diabolical dis- 
! position in their hearts, and as soon as they were 
brought into contact with the border ruffians they 
became more devilish than the border ruifians 
themselves. From the moment they entered the 
Territory they have kept up one continual dis- 
turbance, refu.sing to goto the polls to vote when 
called upon to do so. They were unwilling to 
take any constitution except the one whieii they 
niadeat Topeka; and that, too, in (h fiance of law. 
Now their friends come forward and say, "do 
not let us admit Kansas under this coiLstiiniion; 
it does not embody the will of ihe mnjoiity." 
How arc we to ascertain that will? If iliere are 
ten thousand voters iif Kansas, and .six thousand 
of them refuse to vott; on any occasion, how can 
you find out that the four thousainl who liave 
voted do not express the will of the majority ? It 



18 a very common thing in some counties, where 
there is no contest, that men are elected by less 
than a one-third vote; and in a close contest in 
States and counties, the men elected, nine times 
out of ten, do not get a majority of the votes of 
the State or county. There are always a number 
of voters who do not go to the polls; ancf if their 
Votes were cast against the successful candidate, 
he would be defeated. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, what injurious effect 
would follow the admission of Kansas under the 
Lecomplon constitution? Some men say that the 
people there can alter their constitution biifore 
1864, and others say they cannot. I am no law- 
yer, and do not propose to investigate that legal 
question. All I have to say is this: if they have 
the constitutional and legal rigiu to alter it, let 
them alter it. If they cannot, let them submit. 
This thing was not thrown upon them suddenly. 
They were fully advised of the consequences by 
Walker and Stanton; and they were told that if 
they refused to vote they must take the conse- 
quences. They did refuse to vote. The conven- 
tion met and the constitution was framed. That 
constitution is now presented. Congress ought, 
in my opinion, as anact of justice, leaving out the 
technicalities of law, to admit Kansas under that 
constitution.' I must confess to you tiiat I have 
but little sympathy for a parly that stands out 
stubbornly, and refuses to abide by the law; and 
lam perfectly astonished at my Democratic friends 
who come forward and preach up the purity and 
honesty of those whom, in 1856, they denounced 
as traitors and rebels. 

The question is not so much as to whether Kan- 
sas should be a free State or a slave State. But 
will our northern friends admit another slave State 
into this Union.' That is the question. If we are 
to be insulted, degraded, and equality in this Con- 
federacy denied us, we want to know it. The South 
should have confidence in the North; the North 
should have confidence in the South; they should 
have confidence that each would do justice to the 
other. In 1856, when we were in conflict with 
the American party, we told them that their whole 
party in the North was abolitionized, and that, 
if the South expected toget justice she must look 
to the Democratic party North. We held up the 
State conventions of the Democratic party, and 
the speeches of their leaders, in v/hich they stated 
that they intended to stand by the principle of 
non-intervention, by the principles of the Kan- 
sas-Nebraska bill, and that they regarded that act 
as just in all its parts. . 

Now, what did our friends ofthc American party 
say on that occasion? They said to us, your 
northern Democrats arc promising very fairly, 
but you will see how they will carry out those 
promises if the people of Kansas' recognize sla- 
very in their constitution. They .said that when 
our Democratic friends came to be called upon to 
vote on that constitution, the South would not 
have the support of a corporal's guard. We con- 
fidently believed otherwise; and I confidently be- 
lieve still, that we have enough patriotism and 
love of country left in the ranks of the Democracy 
to carry this question. We have lost some friends 
whose loss I regret exceedingly. The influence 
of that loss will be serious in tiie southern States. 
So far as party is concerned, it would be ten thou- 
sand time-s better that Kansas should be rejected 



without Democratic votes. Some of our friends 
are disposed to look upon these brother Demo- 
crats of ours, who vote against Lecompton, as 
having joined the Republicans. My judgment is, 
that wi! will have a hard fight in 1860 with the 
Republicans, and that we will need every one of 
these Democrats to help us. I am opposed to 
turning one of them out; I fear that some of them 
will go out themselves; but so far as I am con- 
cerned I am in favor of keeping every one of them 
that I can keep. My honest opinion about these 
Democrats is, that when they come to examine 
the whole ground in regard to this Lecompton 
constitution, if they believe that there has been 
fraud and wrong, and that there has been a gross 
violation of right in getting up this Lecompton 
constitution, it is their duty to vote against it. 
But before they cast their votes against it, there 
should not rest on their minds one solitary doubt 
as to the propriety of their course. They must 
be fully satisfied. They must make up their 
minds not as partisans and politicians. I know 
that when the Democratic party parts with a 
brother Democrat, it does so with reluctance. 
We have stood shoulder to shoulder; have fought 
the battle and won it; and it is with feelings of 
deep mortification and regret that v/e are com- 
pelled to part with them. But before they do vote 
against us, I ask them to examine the whole his- 
tory of this matter candidly and impartially; to 
lay aside all outside issues; and then, if they be- 
lieve that there has been a violation of right and 
of justice, it is their duty, I repeat, as honest men, 
to vote against this Lecompton constitution. Their 
act will make a serious impression upon us at tlie 
South. But, sir, mixed up with evils there i.s 
always some good. Wlien we go home and com- 
mence talkingaboutthisquestion,and when north- 
ern Democi-als are held u[) to derision, and their 
vote cast in our teeth, we can point to southern 
gentlemen in this House and say that we had not 
made all right at home; and that before we say 
a solitary word against northern Democrats, we 
ought to see that v/e ourselves present a solid and 
compact column. We should first make pure our 
own household before we turn round and criticise 
our neighbor's. 

That is all I .shall say on this point, for I am 
not at all accustomed to addressing public assem- 
blies. I have never before addressed a legislative 
body in my life. But, Mr. Chairman, I did not 
make up my mind o\\ this subject until I had given 
it a most thorough scrutiny; until I had viewed 
it in all its aspects calmly and dispassionately. 
That scrutiny has led me to the conclusion that 
it is right and just; that the interests of the Ameri- 
can people require the admission of Kansas into 
the Union, in order to restore peace and quiet to 
that Territory. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, if you refuse to settle 
this Kansas ditficulty at this time, what will 
be the result? This Topeka party will, in all 
probability, have the ascendency, and they will 
liberate every solitary slave in the Territory. 
What then? Do you suppose these Missourians 
will submit to it? Not at all They will never 
submit to it. The troubles of the Territory will 
begin anew, and be kept up until 1660. The 
Democratic party now desire to put down the 
Re|)ublican parly. They desire to keep a Re- 
publican out of the presidential chair in 1860, be- 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



cause, if he once gets there, there will be danger. 
If you send this constilution back to Kansas wiih- 
out ratification, there is danger that the excite- 
ment may go on until it produces bloodshed and 
border war; and the difficulty will not be si;ttled 
before 16W), if then. Admit Kansas into the 
Union, and what will he the result.' There are 
not a great many negroes there; there will not 
be a great many there before 18G0; and besides 
that, her Legislature has the right, under the con- 
stitution, to pay fur the negroes, and then make 
' ita free Slate. Would itnot beagreat deal better 
to contribute thus; would it not be better to raise 
the necessary funds, even by contributions.' I 
myself would contribute tov/ards the purchase of 
the slaves v/ho are there, if they want to make it 
a free State. That is the way to make peace in 
the country. 

The constitution which we liave before us is 
just in all its features. It is a good constitution. 
The only ditticulty about it is the slavery ques- 
tion. But, if there is not a majority of tlie peo- 
ple there in favor of slavery they are not going 
to have slavery there. This constitution cannot 
force slavery upon a free people if they do not 
want it; nor can they make a Territory or State 
free if its people want slaves. The only way, 
in my judgme)it, to restore peace in Kansas is to 
admit her into the Union with her constitution, 
iind then allow the people there to settle their af- 
fairs in their own way. The moment you give 
her a constitution, and leave the people to take 
care of themselves, tliey will regulate their own 
affairs, and peace and quiet will be restored. If 
they want a free State, they will make it free. If 
they want a slave State, there is no power in the 
North or in Congress to make it free. The great 
question upon which the South insists with so 
nmch pertinacity is this: Democrats of the North, 
will you vote to admit a State into the Union with 
a constitution recognizing slavery' Satisfy the 
South that you will do Justice by her, and God 
forbid that we should ask for more. If they could 
be assured that you do not vote against the ad- 
mission of Kansas into the Union because the 
constitution has slavery in it, they would be sat- 
isfied. 



016 088 971 8, 



But, Mr. Chairm 
moment this const 
telligence goes forth nvci mc .tmu, o-.u. ....... ...v,.. 

will say that northern Democrats have refused 
the constitution of Kansas because it had sla- 
very in it. They will go upon the sUimp and vin- 
dicate the South against the usurjiation. They 
can show more facts why Kansas should have 
been admitted than any man can shov/ why she 
should not be admitted. The South is already 
united upon this question; she marches in a solid 
column. , 

I say, therefore, to northern Democrats, that 
unless you believe it is your imperious duty, 
unless you can see clearly that there has been 
; fraud, unless you can see that the will of an hon- 
i est people has been violated — for if they be a dis- 
j honest people they have no rights — I say, that 
I unless you can see clearly that the will of the law- 
j abiding, honest people has been overridden, do 
not reject this constitution. If you do so believe, 
] then you must vote as your duty requires. 
I In regard to my Republican friends, ail I have 
I to say is just this: my own judgment about the 
I whole matter is, that you men of the North are 
not really so solicitous whether Kansas shall be a 
! free or a slave State as you are about the loaves 
j and fishes — as you arc about the election of the 
; President of the Uniitd States. But, if you do 
: not design the final and speedy overthrow of this 
j Government, what, I ask, are you doing.' It is 
! apparent to everybody who looks over tliis House, 
I that you are sowing the seeds of discord among 
I our people. There is now, between the North 
! and South, a feeling of distrust; a want of confi- 
i dencc; a belief that the North is not prepared to 
; do the South justice. If you continue to go on 
I and nourish this feeling — if you widen the breach, 
\ it will, before many yiars, growinto hate. Now, 
sir, the stability of our Government is dependent 
upon the aftections of tlie American people, and 
I upon their intelligence. Destroy the affection of 
I the people for the Government, excite jealousy 
' and distrust between the North and South, and I 
I tell you there is not power or patriotism enough 
j in the Union to hold the Government together, 
1 [Here the hammer fell.] 



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